Arizona’s sign anarchy

Every election year, when campaign signs descend on intersections like locusts, no one is thrilled about the invasion.

But Arizona’s abundance of political signage is, in many ways, unique to the state.

And for that, you can thank the state Legislature.

Specifically, thank Republican Sen. David Gowan.

Back in 2011, Gowan sponsored legislation that prohibited cities and towns from restricting where campaigns can plant their signs in public rights-of-way and how big those signs can be.

Today, the result remains on display at Arizona’s intersections: Signs can be as large as 32 square feet in nonresidential areas, and cities generally can’t remove them unless they pose a safety hazard, like blocking drivers’ views. Even then, enforcement depends on city employees spotting the problem or residents knowing how and where to report it.

It’s a pretty ineffective method of regulation, as evidenced by the state’s inundated intersections.

So we went digging through the rest of the country’s campaign sign laws, and it turns out, Arizona’s roadsides are in a league of their own.

We found six states that generally ban campaign signs from public rights-of-way altogether, including Minnesota and the much redder Louisiana and Iowa.

In at least 41 states whose laws we reviewed, campaign signs are prohibited along state highways, but cities largely set their own rules for where signs can go on local streets.

But we couldn’t find another state that goes quite as far as Arizona, where campaigns can use just about any available patch of public real estate, and local governments have little authority to stop them.

That’s largely because the people writing the laws about where campaign signs can go are the same people whose names end up on them.

Fifteen years ago, Gowan — a Sierra Vista Republican who’s been roaming the Capitol halls since 2009 — decided he’d had enough of cities telling him where he could put his campaign signs.

His 2011 legislation aimed to replace Arizona cities’ patchwork of campaign sign regulations with one statewide rule. And, of course, to stick it to Tucson.

Tucson had banned political signs from public rights-of-way in 1992, but didn’t start strictly enforcing the rule until 2001, after the Bush-Gore presidential race left the city’s roadsides excessively cluttered, the Daily Star reported.

City workers hauled thousands of signs to an impound yard, where campaigns could either reclaim them or leave them to be destroyed after the election.

Then-Gov. Jan Brewer inked Gowan’s bill into law, prohibiting cities, towns and counties from removing campaign signs from their public roads from 60 days before the primary election until 15 days after the general election. ¹ (Lawmakers have since stretched the front end to 71 days before any election.)

Only cities that can prove they need to keep their streets pretty for tourists, such as Sedona and Flagstaff, are offered some reprieve. That exemption in the law allows municipalities to establish up to two tourism-related sign-free zones, covering no more than three square miles combined.

That brings us to today, when campaigns are enjoying the fruits of Gowan’s labor by crowding Arizona’s intersections.

Some cities are still trying to figure out what they can do within the confines of the law.

We reached out to about a dozen cities to see how they’re enforcing Arizona’s limited campaign sign restrictions — which allow cities to remove signs that block visibility, obstruct accessible pathways or exceed size limits — and the responses varied widely.

Flagstaff has removed about 75 signs, mainly for improper placement in its sign-free zones. Peoria said it’s impounded 145 signs this year, and Chandler’s removed 41, both citing blocked visibility as a common reason for removal.

Phoenix has received just 53 sign complaints since July 1, but it doesn’t actually remove signs. Instead, noncompliant signs “are laid down on the site or folded back.”

Scottsdale is by far the biggest sign enforcer: The city has removed more than 2,900 political signs this election cycle for violations ranging from blocking visibility to placement in sign-free zones.

Turns out, Scottsdale’s been in the campaign sign fight from the beginning.

In fact, as cities scrambled to comply with Gowan’s new law in 2011, the Republic’s Scottsdale-based editorial board² had a chilling premonition:

But it also had a great idea: “Let’s shame candidates for sign litter.”

These days, newspapers have a lot fewer pages and reporters to spare for public shaming. So we’ve decided to pick up the torch from the Republic’s Scottsdale editorial board.

Send us pictures of campaign signs that could potentially be in violation of state law, or those still littering public rights-of-way more than 15 days after the election. This year, that’s after November 18.

You can review the state’s campaign sign rules or check out Scottsdale’s sign blight guide for examples of illegal signs.

We’ll call them out in a dedicated sign-shaming section.

Use this form to submit suspected campaign sign violations, and maybe a little public shaming will help us all emerge from election season feeling a little less crazy.

Stop the steal: Maricopa County Recorder Justin Heap is rejecting early ballots at a higher rate than usual, ABC15’s Garrett Archer reports. The rejection rate ticked up after Heap’s office eliminated several data points that signature verifiers use to decide if a ballot was actually signed by the person it belongs to. Heap flat-out denied that the changes increased the number of rejected ballots, accusing Archer of “trafficking in election misinformation.” Then Archer came back with a video of Heap admitting there has been a “slight increase” due to the changes.

Raking in defendants’ dough: The family and friends of two Democratic Apache County officials being prosecuted by Democratic Attorney General Kris Mayes in a public corruption case have sent more than $50,000 to the campaign of her Republican opponent, Senate President Warren Petersen, the Republic’s Robert Anglen and Elena Santa Cruz report. Husband and wife Michael Whiting (the former county attorney) and Joyclynn “Joy” Whiting (the current schools superintendent) were accused of stealing from the county and using education money to buy an $80,000 vehicle. Campaign finance records show that the family members have donated very little to candidates in the past. But they’re not the first of Mayes’ legal targets to open their wallets for Petersen: A mobile home management company she’s suing has donated about $600,000 to a pro-Petersen PAC.

On the verge of a shift: Phoenix-based pollster Mike Noble is predicting that the election will lead to Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs winning reelection, Democrats controlling the Arizona House of Representatives and tying Republicans in the Senate, Kevin Stone reports for KTAR. His model gives Democrats a 61% likelihood of winning the House and Republicans a 30% chance (and a 9% chance they tie). Democrats’ long-awaited dream is only possible, Noble said, because control of the chamber comes down to five seats, and Republicans are losing independent voters like never before.

Scottsdale leaning left: Speaking of electoral predictions, both Sabato’s Crystal Ball and the Cook Political Report are saying the swing-seat race in Arizona’s Congressional District 1 is no longer a toss-up and “leans Democratic,” ABC15’s Anne Ryman reports. Even GOP candidate and former NFL kicker Jay Feely has acknowledged that he’s “officially behind” and said that “time is running out” as he’s outspent by Democrat Amish Shah.

Doing business in the desert: Real estate agents in the Phoenix metro area are facing more and more questions about Arizona’s water challenges from potential buyers, KTAR’s Heidi Hommel reports — and they’re being briefed on water infrastructure and coached on how to respond to concerns by Arizona Municipal Water Users Association Executive Director Warren Tenney. Arizona is expected to lose 30% of its Colorado River allocation starting next year, but Tenney noted that not all cities rely equally on the river for their water.

Beats an Uber: The City of Phoenix launched a limited new rideshare service that costs $2 per person for a ride and operates in small zones in the north, south and west parts of the city, KJZZ’s Katherine Davis-Young reports. The aim of the new $9 million pilot program — which can be accessed through a PHXLink app — is to fill in gaps in Phoenix’s public transit network. Rides are available in the zones from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m., and people with ADA-certified disabilities can get door-to-door service.

Inside the Issues is a nonpartisan series from the Arizona Citizens Clean Elections Commission about the issues shaping Arizona’s future — the ones that are complex, consequential, and easy to overlook.

Each episode brings voters into the conversation with experts, public officials, and community leaders who explain what’s actually at stake and what decisions are ahead. No pundits, no party line — just the context you need to walk into the voting booth informed instead of guessing.

A fringe MAGA ASU student group is mad that the owner of Mesa Sign Shop refused to print 16 signs it ordered, which would have borne the words “Protect White Americans” with an image of a white male-female couple holding a baby, Laura Gersony reports for the Republic.

The group, College Republicans United, and its leader Kevin Decuyper have a history of making white nationalist statements online and drumming up controversy through public appearances.

Jim Torgeson, the print shop owner and a Republican Gilbert Town Council member, has previously refused to print vulgar signs.